Mugshots

What happens when a prison system is built without women in mind? 

Between 1878 and 1959, nearly 200 women were incarcerated inside Montana State Prison in Deer Lodge. Confined to improvised buildings, denied outdoor access, or housed alone for months at a time, they lived within a system that struggled to understand their needs. Continue scrolling to learn more about women’s experiences in the Montana State Prison through case files, images, and historical records. 

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Corner shot of prison towers at Deer Lodge

20th Century image of Montana State Prison, located in Deer Lodge.

Deer Lodge State Prison

Street view of former Montana State Prison in 2025. It is now a part of the Old Montana Prison Complex and is used as a museum.

Built to Exclude: Life Inside the Montana State Prison

When Montana's first federal penitentiary was established in Deer Lodge in 1871, it was constructed exclusively for men. There were no designated spaces, policies, or procedures for housing women. Nevertheless, women were sentenced and sent there. Initially, women were held in segregated single cells and kept away from the general male population. Interactions between female and male prisoners was anxiety-inducing for the warden. While male prisoners were sometimes allowed to leave the prison on work details or take exercise in the prison yard, female prisoners were confined exclusively to their cells. 

The first inmate, Felicita Sanchez, whose story you will read later, was confined to her cell for an entire year until the arrival of a second inmate, Mary Drouillard, in 1879. At this point, the warden moved the two women to a crumbling log outbuilding. 

In 1885, Congress gave Montana $25,000 to improve the prison. The following year, Governor John Schuyler Crosby, prison manager Thomas McTague, and Warden Frank Conley used the funds to construct a new three-story cell block. For the first time, the prison included a few cells for women, located on the third floor. But this change had little impact on women’s daily lives. At the time, there was only one incarcerated woman: Rose Bennet, a sex worker from Anaconda. She remained isolated, unable to leave her cell or interact with others.

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Montana State Prison wall construction, Deer Lodge, Montana

While we’re not sure if this image includes the construction of the new building, it evidences the heavy construction the Montana State prison underwent in the 1890s under warden Frank Conley’s leadership.

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Frank Conley, the warden, continued to lead the prison for decades and oversaw further construction projects. He used male inmate labor to build the first separate structure for women in 1895: a two-story brick building referred to as the "women’s department." It was divided from the men’s quarters by a 17-inch-thick wall.

It wasn’t until 1907 that a more substantial stone building, complete with a tiny, enclosed yard, was finally added to the prison complex more than three decades after the first woman inmate.

Men's Conditions

Conditions for men in the early Montana State Prison were grim, but also changed under Warden Frank Conley, who took over prison operations in 1890.

Conley believed that hard labor was the best way to rehabilitate prisoners, and furnished construction crews to build on Montana’s early highway system, to work as ranch hands for Copper King William A. Clark, and construct the Warm Springs asylum among other jobs. Prisoners were not paid for their labor. 

In 1891, Thomas Powers, an inmate convicted of grand larceny, accused Conley of using prisoners as unpaid domestic workers in his and other officials’ homes, blurring the line between punishment and exploitation. Later that year, the State Prison board published a new set of rules and regulations for the prison that would come to define the later Conley years. Here’s a taste of life as a male prisoner in 1891. 

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Rules and Regulations MT State Prison Page 19

This is an excerpt from Rules and regulations for the government of the Montana state prison (1891) describing rules for inmates. Notice the changes that now allow prisoners to write to the prison board with complaints, and the ability for inmates to write to their family and friends once a month. 

It’s just after dawn and prisoners wake to the clang of a bell. The first task of the day is to sweep the cell and wash in total silence. If the cell doesn’t pass inspection by the guards, prisoners forfeit their breakfast. From there, prisoners spend the day on work crews. There is no lunch. Talking is allowed only when necessary for completion for the work. If prisoners need something, they are instructed to raise their hands rather than call out. In the evening, prisoners are allowed to read magazines in silence.

Communicating with others is strictly forbidden. At 9:00 pm, prisoners strip to their shirt and drawers, place one hand on the bar of their cell, and wait for a guard to count them. They must keep a “profound silence” until they are wakened by the bell the next morning.

Rules and Regulations MT State Prison Page 20

Over time, Warden Frank Conley introduced reforms that began to change daily life for some of the men. While strict discipline and hard labor remained central to the prison routine, new programs aimed to bring order, education, and even a sense of culture to the institution.

By 1895, a school had been established within the prison, staffed by educated inmates. A few years later in 1899, the prison formed a brass band, allowing musically inclined prisoners to practice instruments and perform weekly concerts. These additions offered certain men a chance to escape the most grueling work details and, for a moment, experience something beyond confinement.

As stated before, in the earliest years of women’s incarceration in Montana, they were kept in near solitary confinement with nothing to occupy their time. As such they did not have access to the school, brass band, or work crews.

The Late 19th Century Justice System

The implementation of justice in Montana during the late 1800s was inconsistent. Women were often tried by all-male juries, and their cases were shaped by social bias. Half of the women incarcerated between 1889 and 1909 were convicted of grand larceny. At the time, Montana law defined grand larceny as theft of anything valued over $50 or any money taken directly from a person’s body. That’s roughly equivalent to stealing $2,000 today. The charge was broad and often used in cases where the facts were unclear or influenced by prejudice.

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Penal Code for Grand Larceny

The Penal Code of the State of Montana defines Grand Larceny as a crime in 1895.

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Many women ended up in prison for reasons tied to poverty or survival. Some were punished for defending themselves against abuse and later pardoned by Montana’s Governor. Others were jailed for actions considered immoral or improper, like sex work.

However, recent research by legal historians shows that courts in the American West were often more sympathetic to women in domestic violence cases than we might expect. Western judges and juries frequently ruled in favor of women who fought back against abusive partners. 

But while the legal system may have offered moments of compassion, it lacked the tools to offer long-term support. There were no programs in place for rehabilitation or reentry. Once released, women returned to the same conditions (poverty, isolation, or abuse) that had led to their incarceration.

While race was not always recorded in intake paperwork, it’s clear that racial disparities were present. Of the sixty women incarcerated during this twenty-year period, 23 were identified as Black or Mulatto—38% of the female prison population. At the time, less than 1% of Montana’s women were Black. 

The following case studies invite you to meet two of the first women incarcerated at the Montana State Prison. Their experiences help us understand the emotional, physical, and social toll of imprisonment in the late 1800's, and what it took to survive it. 

The First Inmates

Felicita Sanchez was just 20 years old when she became the first woman incarcerated at Montana State Prison in 1878. Her intake file described her physical features, like height, weight, eye color more carefully than the details of her crime.

According to local newspapers, she was convicted of shooting a man named Kelley. With no dedicated housing for women, she spent over a year alone.

In 1879, a second woman entered the prison: Mary Angeline Drouillard. She was 23, a French-speaking Canadian who had already been married three times and divorced twice. She was convicted of shooting her husband, whom she accused of long-term abuse. When she arrived at Deer Lodge, she was several months pregnant. She gave birth in the prison, but shortly after the baby was taken from her and placed with a family in Deer Lodge, she attempted suicide using opium and chloral hydrate. Her story made headlines and eventually caught the attention of Montana’s governor, who issued her a pardon.

How to read a prison record

Prison records can tell us a lot, but they don’t always tell us what we want to know. They were created to help keep track of who was incarcerated, not tell the full story of their life. But with careful reading, we can still learn a lot.

Let’s take a look at the record of Josephine Enoex from 1916 to see what we can find. 

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Josephine Enoex Prison Record

Start by looking at her name, written in careful handwriting near the top. Then scan down the page. You’ll find facts like her age, her height, and her weight, but you’ll also find labels: “Negress,” “Dark,” “Housekeeper,” “Single.” Some of these labels are deeply personal. Some are outdated and offensive today. All were part of how the prison kept track of Josephine: not just as a person, but as a prisoner.

The record tells us that Josephine was convicted of second-degree murder in Great Falls and sentenced to 20 to 21 years in prison. It also notes that she plead not guilty to the charge. But it doesn’t tell us the full story of what happened, or more importantly, why it happened. 

If you look closely, you’ll notice the prison cared a lot about her physical appearance. Her record includes scars on her neck, arm, and face. 

Near the bottom, there’s a mugshot. What might Josephine have wanted us to know that this record doesn’t say?

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Reading a prison record means learning how to read between the lines. It’s not just about what’s written: it’s about what’s missing.

As you read on in our exhibit, you’ll read about more of the prison’s inmates and the stories historians have been able to recover from their prison records.

Inmate Stories

Murphy and Arrigoni Mugshots

These mugshots of Murphy (left) and Arrigoni (right) are included as a part of the Montana State Prison records. 

These mugshots of Murphy (left) and Arrigoni (right) are included as a part of the Montana State Prison records. 

Muriel Murphy's upbringing wasn’t easy; with five siblings and parents Violet (Buxton) and Charles Murphy sharing only three rooms. In an interview on April 22, 1937, Murphy stated, “I just saw my mother working hard, and never having any fun.” Muriel described her parents as strict, and that she stopped attending school after completing the 8th grade. 

When 15-year-old Muriel and her 18-year-old boyfriend, William Newman, wandered into a beer parlor one night in 1936, she didn’t imagine that the carefree night would end violently. Muriel, weighing 111 pounds, and her boyfriend got into an altercation with a bar patron, Gust Anderson. Muriel stated William hit Anderson over the head when he refused to let Muriel go. In court, it was recorded that they both tried to rob Gust. He was transported to the local hospital after the incident, but two days later died from pneumonia, unrelated to his injuries during the altercation. 

Muriel and William were both sentenced to life in prison, convicted of first-degree murder based on the accusation that it was premeditated. Evidence of jury prejudice came to light several weeks after conviction; a juror stated he was prejudiced against Murphy and Anderson because he knew Gust Anderson. Despite this evidence, the motion for a new trial was denied by the judge. 

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Muriel Murphy Prison Record

Muriel Murphy was the youngest woman ever sentenced to life in prison in Montana. From her prison record, we know Muriel grew up in Great Falls.

In an interview, Muriel expressed wanting to return to school or at least have access to courses while incarcerated; instead, she spent her time reading or playing solitaire. 

William Newman Prison Record

After a citizen from North Dakota wrote to the board of pardons, explaining the injustice to both Murphy and William, both were granted a conditional pardon after serving three years at the Deer Lodge State Prison.

Muriel and William stayed in Montana for 10 years (a condition of the pardon), got married, and started a family. Despite this seemingly happy ending of Murphy reuniting with William, this questionable conviction put a crippling pause on their lives. 

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Lee Arrigoni told police, “I didn’t plan it, but if he beat me up again I wasn’t going to take it anymore.” 

Arrigoni, also known as Ruby Garrett, shot and killed her husband, Andy Arrigoni, as he sat with friends around a card table on the night of June 8, 1959. This response to her husband's abuse, which Ruby had stated was ongoing, resulted in being tried of first-degree murder.

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Lee Arrigoni Prison Record

In the 1950's, there was no legal consequence for domestic abuse, in fact it was considered a private matter that police seldom attended to. Domestic violence was not recognized as criminal, nationally, until the passing of the Violence Against Women Act, on September 13, 1994. 

James D. Freebourn, Ruby’s court appointed defense attorney, offered defenses of temporary insanity and self-defense. After a week in court, the mixed jury (6 men, 6 women) reached a verdict: Ruby was convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to four years in prison. With good behavior, Ruby was eligible for parole after nine months; after serving this time, Ruby was released.

What Records Don't Say

Coverage of crimes committed by women were often sensationalized in the newspapers; however, for some individuals their convictions received little, if any, documentation outside of their prison records. In researching individuals between 1920 to 1959, many were convicted of grand larceny for trivial offenses. 

The little to no documentation of these individuals outside of their crimes itself is telling of how marginalized individuals were looked at as incidental to society. 

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Frances Boyer Prison Record

Frances Boyer, a Black woman living in Billings, pleaded guilty to grand larceny in 1953 after stealing four dozen sets of sheets and pillowcases as well as towels from an unknown location.

Boyer was sentenced to one year in prison for her crime, documented as a crime against the peace and dignity of the State of Montana. 

Ruby Red Fox Prison Record

Ruby Red Fox, a Sioux Indigenous woman also living in Billings, pleaded guilty for grand larceny in 1959 after taking $9 worth of silver and cash from a man, Melvin Letts. 

Ruby Red Fox was also sentenced to one year in prison for her crime, also documented as a crime against the peace and dignity of the State of Montana. 

After release Ruby Red Fox passed away three years later at the age of 41. 

Olivet Fields Prison Record

In 1921, Butte resident Olivet Fields was charged with Grand Larceny at 33 years old, based on a story of attempted robbery. Tom Hennigan stated that Fields had stolen a roll of money from his pocket and ran. Hennigan chased her, calling out for help and upon the arrival of a police officer, both individuals were taken to the police station. Fields did not have Hennigan's money on her, but Hennigan claimed she tossed the money during his chase. A roll of money containing $126 was later found in a location that Hennigan instructed police officers to search.

Fields pleaded not guilty and was arraigned without counsel. With no prior convictions, she stood trial and was sentenced to 2.5 to 5 years in prison. 

Built Without Her in Mind

Stories from Felicita Sanchez, Mary Drouillard, Muriel Murphy, and women like them reveal the contradictions of an early justice system: one that needed a place to keep women who had committed crimes yet refused to build them such a place. 

The struggles to find the right place for Montana’s female inmates continued throughout the 20th century. After an earthquake in 1959, the incarcerated women were moved from one location to another, including a unit above the warden’s garage, the prison’s laundry facility, and the basement of the guard quarters. Eventually, the female inmates were split up and sent to facilities in Warm Springs and Billings. The Montana Department of Corrections purchased the site of the current Montana Women’s Prison in Billings in 1994. 

Even today, the Montana State Women’s Prison faces challenges. The prison has 250 beds but needs closer to 400. The 2025 state legislature passed House Bill 833, which allocated $250 million to alleviate overcrowding by renovating or constructing a new women’s correctional facility. 

Prison systems are not static. They evolve in response to changing ideas about justice, gender, safety, care, and rehabilitation. By looking closely at the past, we can better understand the choices and challenges that continue to shape the present.

Photo Credits:

Montana Historical Society Library and Archives

University of Montana Mansfield Library